On February 19, we had evaluated the developments following the annulment of Istanbul Metropolitan Municipality Mayor Ekrem İmamoğlu’s university diploma and the subsequent accusations of corruption and aiding terrorist organizations (read our article here 👉 Mass resistance to constitutional coup in Turkey)
Since our assessment on February 22, the situation has not calmed down—on the contrary, tensions have intensified and spread even further.
On March 23, the Mayor of Istanbul Metropolitan Municipality was arrested on corruption charges. Additionally, two other mayors and a total of 49 municipal employees were detained on charges of aiding terrorism. In Turkey, even being accused of aiding terrorism can be grounds for the government to appoint a trustee to replace an elected mayor. This flexible legal tool—introduced during the 2015 state of emergency—is often used against DEM Party mayors who support the Kurdish population’s struggle for freedom. Indeed, within the first year since the last local elections, trustees have been appointed to 11 municipalities governed by the DEM Party under terrorism-related accusations. DEM (Peoples’ Equality and Democracy Party) is a party that receives substantial support from the Kurdish population.
However, for the first time during this election period, the same tactic is now being deployed against the CHP. Following recent investigations, three municipalities governed by the CHP are now also under trustee control. But Ekrem İmamoğlu’s case has played out somewhat differently.
For the AKP government, arresting İmamoğlu on terrorism charges would have achieved two goals: preventing him from running in the primaries and opening the door for a trustee to take over Istanbul. Given that Istanbul alone produces 30.4% of Turkey’s wealth, seizing control of the city would have been a major win for the AKP. However, in a bizarre legal maneuver, authorities ruled that because İmamoğlu was already under arrest for corruption, there was “no need” to arrest him on terrorism charges. This allowed the AKP to retain the legal possibility of appointing a trustee whenever they wish—while avoiding an immediate backlash that might have resulted from it.
March 23 was also the date of the CHP’s primary election to determine its presidential candidate. Ekrem İmamoğlu was the sole candidate. Of 1.75 million registered CHP members, 1.65 million voted—and an estimated 13 million people cast symbolic votes in solidarity. This turned into a de facto referendum, galvanizing CHP supporters and drawing in previously hesitant voters.
That same night, approximately 1 million people gathered in front of the Istanbul Metropolitan Municipality building for a massive rally. Since İmamoğlu’s arrest, CHP leader Özgür Özel has refused to leave the building, arguing that a trustee could be appointed at any moment—so all the protests are now centered there. Simultaneously, large-scale demonstrations were held in cities across Turkey, led by CHP mayors. The most chanted slogan remains: “Government, resign!”
Yet the protests are not solely about political developments. On one hand, we see the involvement of young university students who feel they have no future. On the other, ultra-nationalists—some within the CHP—are playing a different role. While Istanbul is experiencing a revolutionary atmosphere, in cities like Ankara, nationalist and racist rhetoric is being used to exclude Kurds from the protests. A telling example: on March 24 in Ankara, a DEM Party official told a journalist, “We didn’t bring our party flag because we don’t feel safe here.”
What made the Saraçhane (Metropolitan Municipality building) protests truly massive was the arrival of thousands of university students, who broke through police barricades to reach the square. In Ankara, students from Middle East Technical University (METU) clashed with police throughout the night and eventually reached Kızılay Square. Following this, METU was placed under partial lockdown. These students, however, have grown frustrated with the lack of strong support from the CHP. They often show up only at the end of official rallies (held from 8:30 to 10:00 PM every night for the last 6 nights now), bypass security checkpoints, and continue their protests on the main streets, clashing with police throughout the night. They insist that this is no longer just about İmamoğlu’s arrest—it has become a broader struggle for equality and freedom.
To appease the youth, Özgür Özel gave the stage to a young protester during one rally. The speech ended with chants of “general strike, general resistance!” Students have now called for boycotts at all universities, and the education union Eğitim-Sen has expressed its support.
Despite the CHP’s attempts to align with this grassroots momentum and adopt a more radical tone, it still faces structural limitations. CHP leader Özel has called for a boycott of the media conglomerates that refuse to cover the protests. He announced that the rallies will continue—but aside from the demand for early elections, no concrete political proposals have been made to advance the struggle.
Tomorrow, March 26, the final rally will be held at Saraçhane, after the decision of CHP to end the protests. Ekrem İmamoğlu’s candidacy for the presidency will be officially confirmed, and it is expected that a new deputy chairperson will be elected, thus the risk of a trustee appointment will be completely eliminated, according to CHP. What steps the CHP will take after that remains unclear—but university students seem ready to continue their calls for boycott, strike, and resistance for the foreseeable future.
