Q: Hi Kristofer. We know that there is an important anti-war movement in Sweden that has mobilised against the genocide in Gaza. Can you tell us more about it?
KL: The Swedish government’s response to the war in Gaza has mirrored its broader geopolitical shift towards the right, aligning closely with Israel and the Netanyahu regime. The official stance of the Swedish government has been that only Israel has the right to defend itself, a position that has sparked widespread protests across the country. As a result, the growing Palestinian solidarity movement has also become a protest movement against the Swedish government’s policies.
Since October 7, 2023, Sweden has witnessed some of the largest and most sustained demonstrations in recent history, with tens of thousands of people taking to the streets every week. Major protests have occurred in Stockholm, Gothenburg, and Malmö, with demonstrations reaching 20,000 in Stockholm, 6,000 in Gothenburg, and 10,000 in Malmö. Beyond demonstrations, activists have engaged in fundraising efforts for Gaza and student occupations at universities in Stockholm, Malmö, and Gothenburg, with Gothenburg’s occupation being the longest-running.
Q: What is the social composition of this movement?
KL: The movement’s base is primarily composed of immigrant youth, including both first- and second-generation Palestinian-Swedes, as well as other Arab communities such as Lebanese and Iraqis. The Somali community has also played an active role. Additionally, the movement has drawn significant support from leftist youth and students, making the student mobilization notably diverse.
The United Front for Palestine, one of the leading organizations in Gothenburg, reflects this diversity. Its leadership includes members of Iranian, Kurdish, Ethiopian, Palestinian, and Swedish backgrounds. While the movement has deep roots in Sweden’s working-class suburbs, it has also seen engagement from young people connected to local mosques and broader leftist circles.
Q: With what organisational forms has this movement worked?
KL: Protests in Gothenburg have been primarily organized by the United Front for Palestine, an organization that evolved from the local branch of the Left Party in Angered [a suburb of Gothenburg]. Initially, demonstrations were organized by the Left Party’s local branch, but as participation grew, the need for an independent body led to the creation of the United Front for Palestine. In Stockholm and Malmö, demonstrations are largely coordinated by immigrant youth and temporary activist networks.
Although separate groups organize protests in each city, they coordinate on major national actions. For instance, when Israel participated in the Eurovision contest, all major cities centered their demonstrations around opposing its inclusion. Similarly, coordinated protests have targeted the Swedish government over cutting UNWRA funds.
The United Front for Palestine holds meetings every Monday to plan for the weekly Sunday demonstrations. The movement has developed internal structures, including security teams to protect protests from right-wing attacks, speaker selection committees, and logistical teams handling banners and materials.
Q: Can you tell us more about the right-wing attacks you faced?
KL: The movement has faced significant opposition, particularly in Gothenburg. Right-wing media, including publications linked to the far-right Sweden Democrats, have targeted the protests, accusing them of antisemitism. Right-wing journalists have infiltrated demonstrations, taking photographs and publishing misleading reports. To counter this, the movement has deployed security teams to remove provocateurs from events.
In late 2023, a well-known right-wing journalist physically confronted me personally before a demonstration. When the journalist was restrained and handed over to the police, right-wing media falsely claimed he had been assaulted and robbed. This incident led to a media storm, with major outlets portraying the Palestinian solidarity movement as violent. Under pressure from right-wing forces, the Left Party expelled key activists, including myself, former chairperson of the party’s Angered branch, and others in Malmö and Landskrona.
Q: Were there protests against your expulsions?
KL: Despite internal opposition within the Left Party, which saw long-standing members and entire branches resign in protest, the leadership upheld the expulsions. In response, activists founded the Left Front, a new political organization that quickly grew to 300 members. The Left Front continues to work alongside the United Front for Palestine but operates as a broader left political entity. Discussions are currently underway to unify the Left Front with Solidarity, a similar organization formed in Stockholm by another expelled Left Party member.
Q: What has been the position of the Left Party regarding Gaza?
KL: The Left Party has attempted to avoid Gaza as a central issue, arguing that it distracts from domestic concerns such as food prices and rent control. Officially, the party calls for a ceasefire and supports the two-state solution. However, it has distanced itself from Palestinian resistance movements, including leftist factions such as the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP) and the Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine (DFLP).
Historically, the Left Party maintained connections with these Palestinian left groups, but recent leadership decisions have sought to sever these ties. When activists within the party invited a PFLP representative to speak at a local meeting, party leaders initially ignored the event. However, when right-wing media later criticized the invitation, the leadership condemned the action and used it as justification for expulsions. The main accusation against expelled members has been their refusal to criticize Palestinian resistance movements, particularly the PFLP.
Q: Based on what you know from Palestinians that take part in the movement, what is happening on the ground?
KL: According to activists within the movement, the humanitarian situation in Gaza is catastrophic, with at least 48,000 confirmed deaths, though experts estimate the real toll could be five times higher. Much of Gaza lies in ruins, and in recent weeks, over 650,000 displaced people have begun moving back north, only to find their homes completely destroyed. The movement continues to advocate for Palestinian self-determination, rejecting the idea that peace can exist under occupation and apartheid.
The ongoing demonstrations in Sweden signal the emergence of a strong, multi-ethnic, working-class movement centered on Palestinian solidarity. As the political landscape shifts, the newly formed Left Front and its allies aim to fill the vacuum left by traditional left parties, ensuring that the resistance against war and imperialism remains a central issue.
Q: What do you think should be the next steps for the anti-war movement? How does the movement continue after a ceasefire?
KL: We continue with the weekly demonstrations, even if there is a ceasefire. The attacks on the West Bank are still happening, and the occupation has not ended. However, we are increasingly focusing our demands on our own government. With the arrest warrants issued by the ICC against Netanyahu and Gallant, we see the need to put pressure on our government to act.
Q: What are your demands towards the Swedish government?
KL: First, we demand that Sweden restore humanitarian aid, which it has completely halted. We also call for Sweden to cut all ties with Israel. This is a key demand of the student movement as well, because Swedish universities have collaborations with Israeli institutions, and we want those to end. Additionally, we are pushing for the closure of companies with ties to Israel, particularly those involved in military production. One major company is Elbit Systems. They have a presence in Gothenburg, and there has been a lot of frustration, especially among young people, about their role in arms production.
We are currently planning a large national conference for the movement in Gothenburg to strengthen collaboration and unify our demands.
Q: You recently published a book on Palestine. Can you tell us more about it?
KL: The book is called From the River to the Sea: Nothing Started on October 7th. It explains the historical background leading up to October 7th. I start with the history of Palestine, the formation of the State of Israel, and the massacres that have taken place from 1948 until today—such as the Tantura massacre and the death march from Lydda.
I also examine how these events shaped people’s thinking and led to different forms of resistance. The book includes chapters on different resistance movements, including the PFLP, DFLP, Hamas, and Fatah. I also discuss the role of the Palestinian Authority and how the Oslo Accords were a betrayal of the First Intifada by Fatah and the PLO.
Another key focus is on different forms of struggle. I have a chapter on the First Intifada, a mass movement that shifted public opinion within Israel and gained support from the Jewish community. In contrast, the Second Intifada was more of a military uprising, which had a different impact.
Ultimately, the book aims to explain how October 7th happened. Many described it as a brutal attack, but mainstream media ignores the fact that Palestinians have endured over 70 massacres, many even more brutal than October 7th, yet these are rarely discussed in the headlines.
Q: We recently learned about the decision of the dock workers to stop handling Israeli imports and exports. Can you speak more about this?
KL: In December, the dockworkers’ union voted to block all transport to Israel from Swedish ports. The company took the trade union to court, but the union won, so the blockade of Israeli goods was ruled legal. However, in recent days, the company fired the union’s Vice Chairperson, citing “national security reasons.”
The Left Front has proposed that the dockworkers’ union should escalate with a political strike—shutting down all ports until their colleague is reinstated and that the contractor company which fired the trade unionist shall be kicked out by the local council, who owns the harbor facilities.
Sweden’s right-wing government recently introduced a new law allowing them to fire or imprison journalists, authors, and activists for “national security reasons.” And because it’s classified as a security matter, the police don’t have to give any explanation—it all happens in secret courts.
This is actually following a pattern. A lot of people are losing their jobs. It’s becoming more common—people are being punished for taking a stand.
Q: Can you talk a bit more about the general political situation?
KL: We have the most right-wing government in 100 years, and the main player in politics now is the Sweden Democrats. They are the second biggest party after the Social Democrats. So, it’s their program that runs the right-wing government, even if they’re not officially part of it. The Social Democrats are in opposition, along with the Left Party and the Green Party. The Sweden Democrats, on the other hand, support the government. They make a deal because the Sweden Democrats are bigger than the main Conservative Party. So, you have the Conservative Party, the Liberal Party, and the Christian Party—those three parties formed a government supported by the Sweden Democrats. The Sweden Democrats put demands forward and said, “If you implement this, we will support the government.” So, actually, the program of the government is the Sweden Democrats’ program. It’s just that they’re not formally in the government.
Now, they’re trying to pass a new law where they will force people who work in schools, hospitals, and similar institutions to report illegal immigrants. For example, if you come to the hospital with an injury and you don’t have papers, the staff will be forced to call the police. The trade unions are protesting against this. They also want to pass another law that would allow them to revoke citizenship for people with immigrant backgrounds. They say it’s for criminal reasons, but they’ve expanded it so that if one person in a family commits a criminal act, the whole family could lose their citizenship and be deported.
They’ve also reintroduced an old Swedish term, Van del, which means “bad living.” It used to refer to things like being a prostitute, an alcoholic, or living a morally questionable life. Now, they’ve changed it to say that if you have a “bad living,” you could lose your citizenship and be deported. In the last six months, they’ve added to this definition of “bad living” by saying that if you don’t support the Swedish way of living, you could lose your citizenship. For example, if you take part in demonstrations for Palestine, they say you don’t support the Swedish way of living, and then you could lose your citizenship.
So now, there’s a lot of debate about this in the parliament. It’s a sharp discussion—they really want to push these changes. It’s not just propaganda to win support; it’s about real positions and changing the law. In fact, there have already been cases where people who applied for citizenship—people who had asylum but were applying for citizenship—were denied because they took part in demonstrations for Palestine. They were told, “No, you can’t become a Swedish citizen because you participated in these terrorist demonstrations.”
ISp: We express our solidarity with the struggle you are waging.
